Aristotelians normative concept of friendship essay

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Aristotelians normative concept of friendship essay

Mark Hoipkemier Justice, Not Happiness: The life of virtue is only one answer to this question. The typical liberal answer is negative— protecting rights or some procedural standard is enough.

In the opposing corner, one will often find Aristotle named as the paradigmatic defender of substantive political goals, because of his well-known doctrine that politics is to be judged by the standard of the common good. The common good is a memorable but shadowy figure, not only in the political thought of Aristotle himself, but also in the work of influential Aristotelians such as Thomas Aquinas.

Though used at important moments, the term is rarely defined. This discretion is rather puzzling if, as many have supposed, the common good is another name for the supreme political goal of human happiness or virtue, as medieval Aristotelians would see it. The common good is a key nexus between the description and the evaluation of political regimes, two endeavors that so often remain separate in political science today.

Aristotle introduces the common advantage his preferred phrase as a standard distinct from and less stringent than human virtue, which is the highest good of both persons and cities. Briefly, the account as I read it looks like this: Though citizens constantly disagree about what to do with these goods, whatever regime results from their conflict and compromise is oriented to a certain conception of justice, flowing from a certain idea of living well.

It is this orientation that Aristotle brings before the bar of the common advantage. A different account of citizenship or the political dynamics of wealth, for instance, would issue in different judgments about the common good. In real politics, as in the Politics, the common good always shows up filled with content, as contending actors put forward their proposals about what would be good for the city.

This has led many readers to mistake the content particular proposals for the container the concept of common good itself. The core idea is far clearer when one backs away from advocacy and considers, as Aristotle does, a variety of regimes and their principles.

The massive differences in social life and political form between his time and ours threaten to make his substantive proposals irrelevant even where they do not appear downright unjust. But the formal aspects of his reasoning about common good have great potential in contexts quite removed from his political world.

If the city is indeed a community of free citizens, who justifiedly expect to share in its benefits, then the regime ought, for reasons both of fairness and stability, to concern itself with serving their advantage. There are two broad normative standards at work in the Politics, one of which points to a plurality of correct regimes, and the other to a single best regime.

On the other hand, Bernard Yack defends the common advantage as thoroughly political. Some basic textual features of the Politics speak to the distinctness of these standards. If the common good were a roughly equivalent idea, one would expect to see it there. It is clear that this division highlights the directedness of the different sorts of advantage—who benefits from each sort of rule, not what the particular benefits are.

The evidence points in both ways. Other passages fall ambiguously in between: Still, we also want to ask, what are the advantages of a city? The members of any sub-political association—be it marriage, household, or village—can neither sustain nor defend themselves for long, so to meet their long-term needs they must form a city.

The city is oriented not just to remedying the material deficiencies of smaller units, but to the possibilities for flourishing that open up in a common life under law.

Alasdair MacIntyre puts the point this way: There is another aspect of common advantage that gets short shrift in the Politics: A species of political friendship links all citizens through their common project of sustaining their city. The more they justly share in this common endeavor, the more they can be said to be friends, so there is more friendship in democracy than in tyranny, and still more in polity a correct regime than in democracy a defective one NE ab Friendship serves Aristotle as a basic advantage offered by any city, because the chance to live among friends is a fundamentally attractive prospect.

None of the foregoing considerations clinch the argument that common advantage is a different standard from virtue or happiness, much less show how it works. What they do show is that Aristotle is perfectly willing to construe the nature of the city in the mundane key of advantage.

Even for those who mistake or do not consider the nature of virtue and happiness, there are good reasons to belong to a city.

Aristotelians normative concept of friendship essay

But the advantageous is a subset of the good, and what is truly good is certainly the most advantageous.Aristotle famously argues that friendship can serve as a normative model for the practice of citizenship, and this view has been widely accepted by neo-Aristotelians.

Essay Aristotelian’s Normative Concept of Friendship Words 6 Pages In Books VIII and IX of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, the normative concept of friendship is precisely defined and separated into various categories of which Socrates’ and Alcibiades’ relationship can be ascribed to.

It persisted as the dominant approach in Western moral philosophy until at least the Enlightenment, suffered a momentary eclipse during the nineteenth century, but re-emerged in Anglo-American philosophy in the late s.
Virtue Ethics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) The level of courage necessary is different for a philosophy teacher, a commando, and a systems programmer.
Aristotle's Ethics As science has developed over the last several centuries, it has seemed to many that the kinds of facts that scientists investigate through empirical methods are the only kinds of facts that there are.
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Aristotle famously argues that friendship can serve as a normative model for the practice of citizenship, and this view has been widely accepted by neo-Aristotelians.

Liberals, however, are quick to reject both Aristotle's view of friendship and his view of citizenship. Aristotle famously argues that friendship can serve as a normative model for the practice of citizenship, and this view has been widely accepted by neo-Aristotelians.

Preliminaries

Liberals, however, are quick to reject both Aristotle’s view of friendship and his view of citizenship. Does this mean that the.

Aristotle famously argues that friendship can serve as a normative model for the practice of citizenship, and this view has been widely accepted by neo-Aristotelians. Liberals, however, are quick to reject.

Aristotle famously argues that friendship can serve as a normative model for the practice of citizenship, and this view has been widely accepted by neo-Aristotelians. Liberals, however, are quick to reject both Aristotle’s view of friendship and his view of citizenship.

Does this mean that the.

Justice, Not Happiness: Aristotle on the Common Good | Mark Hoipkemier - schwenkreis.com